It was fascinating to watch Prime Minister's Questions yesterday, and to see Gordon Brown fielding questions from all sides calling for a referendum on the Alternative Vote (AV) in British elections. What was all the more striking is how the need for change is being taken seriously by a people who have never deviated from the first-past-the-post system for their entire parliamentary history. It is quite a contrast to our own Oireachtas, where much lip-service is paid to the desirability of electoral change, but precious little effort is expended on bringing it about.
To the best of our knowledge, senior figures from all the main parties have expressed the need for change at some time during the past year. Some of them have even mused on the specific changes they would like to see, most famously, Fine Gael leader Enda Kenny, and his bolt-from-the-blue calling for the abolition of the Seanad.
However, now that the dust of economic collapse seems to have settled, the politicians are conspicuous by their silence. There is no more talk of political reform, instead, our politicians seem to have returned gratefully to 'business as usual'.
Kicking an undesirable demand into the long-grass is a political tactic of great antiquity. If we could go back far enough we would find Julius Caesar or Nero playing the same game. Here in Ireland, this has been brought to the level of an Olympic sport, and our leaders would surely win a gold medal. But the consequences of returning to the status quo cannot be countenanced.
If we acquiesce in the quiet strangulation by the establishment of calls for reform, we will be as guilty as those who directly profit from its demise. The constant winners since our independence in 1922 have been those who created the political system in their own image. To our cost, they are also the people who have caused economic mayhem over the years as well.
It is our contention that the multi-seat constituency, with its tendency towards localism, clientelism and parish-pump politicians, is a root cause of the political and economic failures that have punctuated the history of the Irish state. This is why we are adopting a watching brief on our politicians, to hold them to their words, and to ensure that this issue will not be allowed to disappear but will be always on the agenda.
Thursday, January 21, 2010
Monday, January 18, 2010
Old Ways Die Hard
If anyone still doubts the need for a new beginning in the way we run our affairs, they might be induced to think again by the actions of our Tanaiste, Mary Coughlan TD, and her erstwhile social partner David Begg. These two pillars of the establishment have taken doublespeak to a level George Orwell never imagined.
Writing in the national papers the other day, ICTU's Begg effectively welcomed the "death of social partnership", proclaiming that it freed the unions to be true to their own interests without being inhibited by the need to satisfy the other partners in the process.
There was no such rejoicing from the ranks of the Irish Government, where they seemingly failed to notice the demise of social partnership, not if Ms Coughlan's antics are anything to go by. Oblivious to silly concerns about fairness and transparency, Coughlan went ahead with a classic remnant of social partnership by appointing an ICTU nominee to the Labour Court because it was their turn - a procedure that had been mothballed by her predecessor as Enterprise Minister, the much-maligned Mary Harney, who went for the outlandish innovation of appointing someone on merit.
Coupled with the disgraceful exemption of the highest-paid civil servants from their fair share of the public sector pay cuts (obviously because they are the ones who work most closely on a day-to-day basis with Government ministers, thereby having the most 'pull'), the 'former' social partners are showing us that as far as they are concerned nothing has changed, and they are simply biding their time before they can once again divide the spoils of the tax take among the privileged few.
Once again, there has to be a fundamental change in the political system to ensure Ireland is run in the interests of all her people. We can not allow the return of oligarchy, despite the best efforts of the oligarchs to make it happen at our expense.
Writing in the national papers the other day, ICTU's Begg effectively welcomed the "death of social partnership", proclaiming that it freed the unions to be true to their own interests without being inhibited by the need to satisfy the other partners in the process.
There was no such rejoicing from the ranks of the Irish Government, where they seemingly failed to notice the demise of social partnership, not if Ms Coughlan's antics are anything to go by. Oblivious to silly concerns about fairness and transparency, Coughlan went ahead with a classic remnant of social partnership by appointing an ICTU nominee to the Labour Court because it was their turn - a procedure that had been mothballed by her predecessor as Enterprise Minister, the much-maligned Mary Harney, who went for the outlandish innovation of appointing someone on merit.
Coupled with the disgraceful exemption of the highest-paid civil servants from their fair share of the public sector pay cuts (obviously because they are the ones who work most closely on a day-to-day basis with Government ministers, thereby having the most 'pull'), the 'former' social partners are showing us that as far as they are concerned nothing has changed, and they are simply biding their time before they can once again divide the spoils of the tax take among the privileged few.
Once again, there has to be a fundamental change in the political system to ensure Ireland is run in the interests of all her people. We can not allow the return of oligarchy, despite the best efforts of the oligarchs to make it happen at our expense.
Sunday, January 17, 2010
What is this?
Welcome to the weblog of the movement for a Second Republic of Ireland. At the outset, we wish to make it crystal clear that this movement has nothing to do with traditional Irish republicanism as it has been understood for the last 200 years. We have no links whatsoever with any existing political party, nor do we wish any.
Since the credit crunch and the onset of the so-called 'Great Recession', there has been an ongoing re-evaluation of politics and politicians in Ireland. Faced with the exceptional challenge of steering a path through the economic carnage, our political institutions and personnel were found wanting. This was seen quite clearly in the scandals surrounding our financial institutions, local authorities and the myriad quasi-autonomous, non-governmental organisations (Quangos) that had been nurtured or created by our politicians in order to reward or control every aspect of public life in Ireland.
This overweening empire-building ensured that when the crisis came at the end of 2008 almost every public and private institution was in serious trouble, requiring the forced help of the taxpayer to survive.
Our contention in the Second Republic is that the system is the problem. Although highly-paid individuals were guilty of breathtaking negligence, it was an out-of-date and deeply flawed electoral, parliamentary and political system that facilitated the near-collapse of the Irish economy. This cannot be allowed to stand.
Every great European democracy has undergone a fundamental re-evaluation of their democratic institutions at some time in their history. In France, these movements of renewal have expressed themselves as quests for a new republic, replacing corrupt, compromised or outdated predecessors. We cannot see why the Republic of Ireland should be any different to France, which is now on its Fifth Republic.
Change should not be cosmetic. If it is, we will simply be recreating the mistakes of the past. What is needed in Ireland is root and branch reform of our institutions, based on the fundamental premise that they should do no harm to the people.
To this end, we call on anyone who cares about this country and its future to contribute to our movement, especially in ideas and energy, to bring about a new birth for Ireland, freeing us from the selfish and self-destructive policies that brought this country to the brink of disaster on at least three occasions since the foundation of the state.
We are still a young country. It is not strange that this republic should be put under the microscope to see if it is fit for purpose. It is, rather, our duty as citizens to ensure that the institutions of the state cannot be hijacked by any vested interest or political party, but will always be preserved for the good of the people. Such an undertaking cannot be left to politicians or the Oireachtas, as these are the people who will be most radically affected by any changes to the system. This is our responsibility as citizens; let's start on that journey now.
Since the credit crunch and the onset of the so-called 'Great Recession', there has been an ongoing re-evaluation of politics and politicians in Ireland. Faced with the exceptional challenge of steering a path through the economic carnage, our political institutions and personnel were found wanting. This was seen quite clearly in the scandals surrounding our financial institutions, local authorities and the myriad quasi-autonomous, non-governmental organisations (Quangos) that had been nurtured or created by our politicians in order to reward or control every aspect of public life in Ireland.
This overweening empire-building ensured that when the crisis came at the end of 2008 almost every public and private institution was in serious trouble, requiring the forced help of the taxpayer to survive.
Our contention in the Second Republic is that the system is the problem. Although highly-paid individuals were guilty of breathtaking negligence, it was an out-of-date and deeply flawed electoral, parliamentary and political system that facilitated the near-collapse of the Irish economy. This cannot be allowed to stand.
Every great European democracy has undergone a fundamental re-evaluation of their democratic institutions at some time in their history. In France, these movements of renewal have expressed themselves as quests for a new republic, replacing corrupt, compromised or outdated predecessors. We cannot see why the Republic of Ireland should be any different to France, which is now on its Fifth Republic.
Change should not be cosmetic. If it is, we will simply be recreating the mistakes of the past. What is needed in Ireland is root and branch reform of our institutions, based on the fundamental premise that they should do no harm to the people.
To this end, we call on anyone who cares about this country and its future to contribute to our movement, especially in ideas and energy, to bring about a new birth for Ireland, freeing us from the selfish and self-destructive policies that brought this country to the brink of disaster on at least three occasions since the foundation of the state.
We are still a young country. It is not strange that this republic should be put under the microscope to see if it is fit for purpose. It is, rather, our duty as citizens to ensure that the institutions of the state cannot be hijacked by any vested interest or political party, but will always be preserved for the good of the people. Such an undertaking cannot be left to politicians or the Oireachtas, as these are the people who will be most radically affected by any changes to the system. This is our responsibility as citizens; let's start on that journey now.
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